Te Kohititanga Marama New Moon, New World - Cover (Elsmore 1998)

Readings from Mana from Heaven:

"The missionaries despaired over many of the Maori's responses to the Christian teachings. But it was the scriptures which provided the model for a new dimension to Maori spirituality."

"So the Maori gave up practices which did not equate with Christianity - such as polygamy, hahunga rites, the suicides of wives of deceased chiefs, the killing of slaves at a burial, infanticide and cannibalism. But while Christianity is credited with putting an end to such practices, the influence of the new teachings was often secondary, not primary. For instance warfare was given up because of the devastation caused by new firearms and not because of Christian principles ... when warfare declined tatooing lessened as there was no real warrior class any more and slavery also became a thing of the past because there were no more enemies to be taken captive. Cannibalism was a further practicethat declined with a reduction in warfare., due to lack of captives and an improvement in relations between different tribes. Infanticide of female babies lessened with the removal of the need for male children for warriors, and a later desire for more women as the population was cut by new diseases. The custom of polygamy also altered when the lackof male deaths through warfare made it less practical." (22)

"Millennialism was linked with missionary activity in both pre- and post- millennial views. The Church Missionary Society (Anglican) missionaries who were mainly in the evangelical tradition, and most of the Wesleyan Missionary Society workers also, condemned the extremist views which gave rise to expectations of dramatic fulfilment of prophecy and to such practices as glossolalia and instances of other 'miraculous' or supernatural signs. But they often adhered to a moderate post-millennial position which could accept that the coming of the Advent would follow the successful work of the missions.' The view of those associated with the Tractarian movement was even more aligned to millennial beliefs. This, then, was the background the missionaries came from to New Zealand, and so were well aware of these notions. Some might even have been inspired to enter the foreign mission field for these reasons. Many were firm advocates of the imminence of the 'Second Coming', passing on these ideas to the Maori in their preaching - one very obvious example being James A. Stack whose influence in this respect is examined in the chapter "The Whareponga Response,. One of the signs preceding the end was that the gospel would be preached around the world," and the missionaries were well aware of their own part in the fulfilment of prophecy as they were obeying scriptural command to teach all nations" (31).

"While the Maori adhered to the Christian forms and ritual along the lines of attending services and keeping the sabbath, their understanding of doctrines such as those of sin and repentance were coloured by traditional concepts such as tapu and utu and missionaries despaired that they seldom accepted the theological significance of the doctrine of attonement and the sacrifice of the Christ. ... In addition, while the Maori and the missionary might refer to points of doctrine in the same terms - for instance Atua (God), whakaroa (salvation), hara (sin) - the understanding which accompanied them in each case was very different." (34)

The Maori had become aware from the translated scriptures which began with old testament writings and by 1833 included several New Testament books as well that the Jews were those who had rejected the new teachings of Christianity. "The Rev. Richard Taylor asserted that the prophet argued that that as the "Jewish church" preceded the Christian , then it must be the Mother Church, and therefore they should change over to it; with the result that "all who were opposed to the Gospel" immediately followed Te Atua Wera" (44).

The "Jews" Response (64)

A response by the Maori to call themselves Jews - usually by the transliterated terms Tiu or Hurai - occurred in the period of the 1840s. In this case it does not mean that one specific movement arose with this name, but different instances happened in widespread parts of the country, each having no link with the others apart from their common motivation of dissatisfaction. The first instance of its use in this way appears to be that noted in the Papahurihia movement from around 1836 and, as explained earlier in that chapter, the notion had been given to them by the translated scriptures which referred to the Jews as those who were set apart from the Christians by their unbelief. By the 1840s the whole of the New Testament was available to the Maori in their own language, and this gave copious references to the fact that the Jews were seen as people who were not only unbelievers, but in many instances were actively opposed to Jesus and to his followers. In the parable of the vineyard the Jews were seen as those who rejected the son of the owner, and after the crucifixion Peter was clear in his charge to the Jews that they denied and killed the Christ.' When the term Hurai itself was used in the scriptures, the contexts were similar the Hurai persecuted Jesus and sought to kill him, the Hurai killed their own prophets and Jesus and persecuted the Christians, and Jesus would not walk in Jewry because the Hurai sought to kill him.' Jesus himself attested to the fact that they were not of his people. When talking to Jews, he referred to "your laws" implying a separation between himself and them.' In the Maori translation this is also clear the exclusive 'your' being used rather than the inclusive 'our' Kahore ranei i tuhituhi i roto i to koutou ture...

The knowledge given to the Maori people through these scriptures was that in these earlier days of which they read, the Christian teachings had been imposed upon a people who already had an existing system of belief and worship, and that while this was accepted by some, it was rejected by others. It was a situation with which the Maori could readily identify, and many felt the resentment which was a natural consequence.

But a further and more significant conclusion could be drawn also. The Jews had opposed Jesus as he had not only disregarded sacred law but had wilfully broken it.' This was an event which was quite familiar to the Maori who knew of the extreme results of such action for both the individual and society. Consequently the possibility must be kept in mind that the Maori's response in seeing themselves as Jews, might have been more traditional and less in the manner of opposition than is generally appreciated.

The Christian mission had barely begun in the district when this reaction was experienced in the Wairoa, Hawkes Bay, area in October 1840. William Williams opened the Turanga (Gisborne) station about eighty to ninety kilometres to the north-east' in January of that year, after several short visits there in the preceding years. In January 1834 some slaves freed in the Bay of Islands were returned to the East Coast-Turanga region by missionaries, a party of missionaries visited again in January 1838, and in October of the same year three Maori teachers and their wives trained in the north were left at East Cape, and three couples at Turanga. In March 1839 William Williams and Richard Taylor made a further visit.' Within a few days of the arrival of the Williams family to set up the mission station, "a principal chief of Wairoa ... arrived for the sole purpose of obtaining books". Other chiefs from that area made visits on the third, fourth, and seventh of February, and the missionary wrote to his colleague Alfred Brown that within a fortnight of his arrival he had applications for books from that area daily for many days.' A month after the Turanga mission opened, Williams made his first trip southwards to Wairoa and found that the ground had been well prepared for him through the enthusiastic efforts of a former slave called Putoko, an unbaptized believer who had been living there for a year and a half, and had built a chapel ten metres square, at which the people assembled regularly. The result was that within the Mahia-Wairoa area there were "not less than three thousand who profess to receive Christianity". Because Williams found Putoko still required much instruction, he sent another teacher to the area shortly afterwards. Less than eight months later, however, something had changed, for when Williams called at Wairoa in October 1840 he found that at least two of the settlements had given up Christian practices and now called themselves Jews. Williams did not definitely identify the villages involved, but from his description it would appear to be two on the southern side of the river, whereas Uruhou where the mission was established under the care of Joseph was on the northern bank. The chief at "the principal pa that belongs to the Jews" told the missionary that many had given up their belief "because they could get nothing by it, others again because some of their relations had died, and that the house [Williams] directed to be put up was unfinished because they thought nobody would come to live in it"!'

Three very interesting reasons for the change in attitude were put forward here all of them being inter-related. The first suggested dissatisfaction over an immediate lack of anticipated advantages, and this was reflected in the comment about the death of relatives. A common misunderstanding of Christian teachings in the early period was that the promise of eternal life for believers through the saving God of Christianity was to be taken literally, and that those who followed the new ways would not die a physical death. When those who attended services were seen to sicken and die, then it was thought that the new message did not live up to its promise believers were not only not protected, but were even struck down by the new deity! I The matter of the house pointed to the people's doubts that the missionary would live up to his word to send them a teacher.

In this case it seems that the motivation for the claim to be Jews was fairly simply one of dissatisfaction, the people feeling that the Christian mission had failed to deliver all they thought it would. There appears to be no deeper significance and no link with the Papahurihia movement, for Williams who would certainly be aware of that response made no mention of it in connection with the Wairoa situation, and explained their use of the term Jews as "that is they have come to the determination to have nothing to do with christianity". The notion was most probably gained directly from the scriptures, though it is possible that the inspiration for its use came from some who had heard of its appplication in this way in the north. If this latter case is correct, then it would seem that its instigator was very possibly the original though unofficial teacher of the area, Putoko. This man was known to be a slave in the Bay of Islands, but it is not certain when he left there. Williams did not identify him as one of those returned by missionaries to the East Coast area in 1834, saying only that he had been in the Wairoa area for a year and a half. Had Putoko been of the early group it is probable he would not have heard of the use of the term Jews in the north, for this was noted from 1836, after that party left. He could, however, have left that area between that time and mid-1838 when he arrived in Wairoa, and therefore be aware of its significance. The idea gains some support from the fact that Putoko was upset by Williams' appointment of Joseph over him, and caused difficulties for the new teacher.

In September 1840 Williams learned that Putoko conducted services in the chapel he had built, in opposition to the services of Joseph which took place in the mission house built adjoining it!' But Williams did not mention Putoko on his trip to the area when he was concerned with the Jews, so it seems he did not connect the two. So the matter must remain inconclusive.

Exactly a month after this incident Williams had another similar experience. This time he travelled to the Te Reinga district, about 35 kilometres up the Wairoa River from the township of Wairoa, and there heard that the people had also given up Christian worship. This time the reason given by Williams was that it was due to "the misconduct of a baptized native from Hokianga" who had been living therell As there was no further explanation, accurate interpretation is not possible. The man could have been a professed Christian whose conduct had been a bad example to the Te Reinga folk who had therefore turned away from that belief; or it could be that a follower of Te Atua Wera, or any dissenter from the north had turned these people against Christianity. The fact that the man was baptized suggests that the former interpretation could be more likely. In addition, it is not known whether this situation at Te Reinga had anything to do with that at a neighbouring village where the people, like some of those at Wairoa, considered themselves "Jews", though the location, being between the two sites, tends to favour it. Continuing his journey towards Waikaremoana, Williams arrived at the village of Ohiwa and found that of the settlement "of about 30 men belonging to the natives of Wairoa", about half considered themselves Christian and the rest called themselves "Jews or unbelievers". The meeting with "the Jews party" on the following day, however, showed that they were very hospitable to the missionary and his companions.

Some months later the Wairoa mission teacher, Joseph, informed Williams that there was very strong feeling manifested there against the gospel, "partly zit the instigation of an American." Whether or not this reinforced the people's notion of being Jews is not clear, but it does seem possible. This movement away from the teachings of the mission proved to be fairly long lasting, for two years after he had first encountered the "Jews" Williams recorded that the number who still held out against the gospel were numerous. These cases, being inconclusive in their significance, do not themselves add much to the topic but they do help to support the picture of the response of the Maori to the new religion. A further similar situation was observed by the Rev. Richard Taylor in the upper Wanganui area three and a half years later. When at the village of Hikurangi the missionary reported" There are 2 families here of natives who have not embraced the gospel, they call themselves Jews and sing one of their native songs every evening in imitation of the believers. Once again the facts given do not permit much interpretation to be made, but it does seem that while some portion of the people of the village had accepted the new teachings, others chose not to follow them. Whether the term was used first by the believers about those outside'the new group, or as a deliberate choice by those who rejected the message, would be interesting to know; but their designation as Jews, here again, shows that the people were aware of the separation made in the early Christian period between the believers and non-believers.


The 12 Totaras at Korito intended as pillars of the temple named after the 12 tribes (elsmore 1989).

The Kohititanga Marama Movement

The major prophetic figures who led larger movements which lasted for a number of years were very few by the 1890s. One who stood out among the last of this sort was Matenga Thmati a man of the Wairoa district of northern Hawkes Bay. He was associated with Putahi pa near Frasertown, and was a leading chief in the wider district. It seems most likely that he was a signatory to the letter sent by a number of East Coast chiefs to leaders of the King movement in 1866,' saying that they did not agree with all the sentiments of the movement and that they were loyal to the English queen. Te Matenga, as one of the signatures reads, would have been aged around 28 at that time. The letter attributed the troubles of the Waikato peoples to their "sins", and urged them to "stop killing". In the campaigns of Te Kooti which followed, the people of the Wairoa district, along with those in the neigbouring areas remained loyal to the Government and fought against that prophet.

The year following the death of Te Kooti, in 1894 when he was in his mid-fifties, Te Matenga received divine revelation that he was to carry on the spiritual work of the former prophet. This knowledge came directly from God without the agency of a mediator. The new prophet was appointed leader of his people and charged with a most important task. The message to him was that he was to bring the Maori people back to God, and in particular to oversee the construction of a great tapenakara or temepara (tabernacle or temple) of the Lord which would symbolize that return. This was a task which Te Kooti had not been permitted to do because his hands were stained with the blood of many.' Full details of the structure were revealed to Matenga. It was to be erected at Korito beach just east of Wairoa, and was to be of very simple construction - twelve great wooden pillars being erected in a large square. There would be no roof and no walls - the elements would be kept outside this sacred space by divine forces. When the temple was completed, an Ark of the Covenant measuring six feet by four by four would be dragged into the sanctuary by two cows. The prophet gained great support in the district, and from his many followers he selected a party of men who travelled to Mangatawhiti, approximately thirty km inland from Wairoa in the foothills of the Waikaremoana ranges, to where a stand of giant totara had been selected to provide the pillars of the tapenakara. These were felled and dressed at the spot to the nominated dimensions - forty feet long, squared to four feet at the base and tapering to a square of three feet at the top.


Each of the posts are a metre to 4 feet in cross-section (Elsmore 1989).

The felling, dressing, and moving of the twelve trees took several years to complete as the task was very difficult, and at one stage when problems seemed insurmountable the work was stopped for a period to allow the peoples diminished faith to build up again. During the long operation the prophet kept his men under strict rules designed to preserve the sacred nature of the task. Such habits as smoking, drinking of alcohol, spitting, and the use of inappropriate words was forbidden; and the party worked naked. Should all be done according to these rules, and if the men had sufficient faith, it was believed that the pillars would move themselves without force being required. In this case the men would merely guide them to where they wished them to go. Finally, and after many difficulties, all twelve reached the bank of the Mangaaruhe Stream, a few kilometres from where they had been felled, and were ready for the journey to the site of the temple. The prophet told his followers that the pillars no longer required any physical human help to reach their destination. This was a time for the faith of all the followers, and in March 1904 they travelled to Erepeti in the Ruakituri valley where they formed a very large gathering. Under the guidance of Matenga they prayed to God for assistance and were rewarded by heavy unseasonal rain in the high country which flooded the local rivers and streams. The Mangaaruhe rose sufficiently to lift the pillars and float them towards the coast. They moved down the Wairoa River and across the bar into the sea. Eleven of them landed exactly on site at Korito, but the twelfth floated further east to Waikokopu, near Mahia peninsula, and it was necessary to have this one towed back by a chartered boat.


Elsmore 1998

Several such occurrences pointed to the fact that the time was not yet right, and the people not yet ready for the next stage of the divine plan. Te Matenga was forced to tell his people that this generation would not be the builders of the tapenakara. Rather, it would be left to another future leader to accomplish. So the pillars remained on the beach where they still lie today awaiting the promised fulfilment. The Kohiti religion was at its peak between the years 1895 and 1914 when the prophet died. The followers continued to meet until around 1930, but after that some became members of the Ringatu Church, and more reverted to membership of other Christian denominations.

The new faith was named from the phrase Te Kohititanga Marama - the first appearance of the moon, because of its emphasis on the new moon as symbolic of the new world or age which it was believed would come about with the unity of the people. When all New Zealanders - Maori and European - met together at the time of the new moon, and all prayed, and played harps, then a prophet would be sent to complete the building of the temepara. And that would bring about the new age- An alternative name for the movement was The Church of the New World.

The Kohiti religion can be seen as a synthesis of several strands of religious belief - traditional, Ringatu, Hebraic, and Christian. While Te Matenga was clearly very familiar with biblical teachings, it is also certain that he was well versed in Maori traditional lore, and the events surrounding the preparations for the building of the temepara reflect this. Before the twelve chosen totara were felled, the prophet conducted rites appropriate to the occasion. Karakia were recited as was the traditional custom of a tohunga on similar occasions of such spiritual importance. However, it seems probable that in this case there was a significant difference - the karakia would most likely have included some Christian content, given the nature of Matenga!s background, his revelation, and his appointk purpose. The rules of conduct demanded of the working party were according to the strict observances prescribed in relation to tapu matters. The men worked naked as was done in former times when engaged in sacred tasks, and which was the way of the tohunga when spiritual rites were being performed. Prohibitions on such habits as eating, spitting, and the use of unsuitable words also owe their origin to the traditional manner of conducting sacred occasions and duties.


Left: Te Matenga's meeting house which collapsed in a storm in 1969 Right: The concrete box used to house books and records of the movement which were later removed by Ringatu followers (Elsmore 1998).

On the occasion of the towing of the separated pillar back to join the others at Korito, similar sacred rites were necessary, and in fact two attempts had to be made for the first was unsuccessful because some of the party had not observed the rites properly. The teachings on the new moon showed acknowledgment of a tradition of the past, for in the former Maori culture the months began at the new moon. In Kohiti practice, meetings were held at these times rather than observing the sabbath of either the Hebrews or Christians.

There were several elements in common with the Ringatu beliefs promoted by Te Kooti, though there were also differences. The Kohiti regarded their leader as the spiritual successor to Te Kooti, and sometimes referred to their response as "the second Ringatu". Services of worship were patterned similarly, though these were held at the time of the new moon rather than on the twelfth of the month as in the former movement. Other influences, however, were even stronger, and there was much in the new religion which owed its origin to the Hebraic tradition as read of in the scriptures.

While Te Matenga might have fulfilled some of the functions of the traditional tohunga, he appears to have taken on the role of a Old Testament-style prophet even more. Revelation came to him direct from God, he was given a particular mission to fulfil, and the precise knowledge necessary was revealed to him in order to accomplish it. Parallels between his role and those of biblical figures could be made - for instance, with David who was given notice of the building of the Lord's temple but destined not to accomplish the task himself, and with Solomon who oversaw the task.

As in so many previous movements, and as was accepted fairly generally among the Maori, the Kohiti believed that their people were descended from the ancient Israelites. Consequently, their God was Jehovah, and they looked for guidance and protection in similar ways to those told of in the histories of the Old Testament. As in former times, they believed that God had entered into a covenant with his people. This had been renewed in this day in the message given to them through Matenga - its fulfilment was dependent upon their own faith and adherence to the divine instructions. The Maori race, however, despite their descent and their spiritual standing as the people of God, had not yet received full divine blessings and this state would not come about until the temple of the Lord was built as directed. When it was, God would speak to them and guide them from that spot. Like the former people, they too were shown proof of the power of God in the response to their actions. Their prayers for assistance were rewarded in a dramatic fashion when rain sufficient to lift the temple pillars occurred. Even more notable was the landing of eleven of them at the site designated for the construction. In addition, the pillars were believed to have been saved from attempted desecration on several occasions, this also attesting to their sacred nature.

When the twelve totara were chosen at the Mangatawhiti site, each of the trees was identified with one of the sons of Jacob - the progenitors of the different tribes of Israel. The one named Joseph was regarded as the leader of the group, and when this pinar encountered difficulties - once in their movement across country to the stream, and in Joseph's journey to the 'alien land' away from the allotted temple site - it was interpreted that these mishaps indicated that the time was not yet right for the completion of the temple. The Bible was used extensively, with the emphasis placed on the Old Testament scriptures. In this movement as in many others, the books of liberation were most favoured, with Exodus, Psalms, and Isaiah being used extensively.

The very idea of the temepara had its conceptual model in the Hebraic scriptures where the people could read of its importance to the former people. While the notion of having the structure open appears to have been an original idea perhaps inspired by the traditional tuahu, the two projects shared many common or similar points regarding materials, methods of transport, dimensions, and purpose.' The Ark of the Covenant which was to be placed inside the completed tapenakara was equivalent to that which was housed in the tabernacle of the Hebrews, and the notion of having cows pull it into place also had its parallel in the history of the original ark.' (1 Sam 6:7) Most importantly, when the building was erected and the ark was in place, then God would speak to the people from that place, just as Jehovah was present at the mercy seat of the Israelites. (Exod 25:22, 30:6).

The site of the temepara at Korito was named Te Karauna, the Crown. Although the specific significance of this is not remembered, it is known to had an Old Testament background, being indicative of the great honour bestowed upon the spot because of its spiritual destiny. (Ps 65:11, 103:4)

The strict rules which were demanded of those who worked on the sacred project could be related to the former laws of tapu, but the idea could also be seen to be similar to the laws binding on the ancient Hebrews. Those given to Moses were reflected in the Kohiti practice of holding special meetings on the first days of January and July. This custom which followed the Ringatu way was inspired by the instruction to the Hebrews on the observation of their ritual calendar in which the first days of the first and seventh months were to be kept holy!' In this case the idea of the law was supported though the actual Jewish calendar was not followed. Christian influence was also present in the Kohiti movement, and this is to be expected considering the religious background of Matenga and his people, and their familiarity with the translated scriptures. The figure of Christ was not emphasized in the religion, but it was apparently not denied - at this time the lessons read of in the books of the Old Testament were thought to be more relevant to the lot of the Maori and so were favoured. The prophet's usual method of healing was by means of washing with water from a spring, together with prayer, though some medicinal remedies were possibly used also. Details of the karakia used in this work and his other ministering functions are not known, but it would appear most likely that these included some Christian content.

His followers believed he possessed miraculous powers of healing, and it is probable that this was seen as following the New Testament examples of Christ and his disciples. Prayer was practised constantly in the life of the Kohiti, and appears to have been regarded as a necessary accompaniment to almost every undertaking. The promise of God provided a millennial hope to the people. This was not seen in the strict Christian sense for it did not depend on the return of Christ but was more in line with the Old Testament notion of a period of peace and prosperity under theocratic rule and guidance. However, this was to be brought about in a way which would seem to be inspired by Christian teachings. The key was love and unity between all people.

The instruction of the prophet was that in order to bring about the new age, everyone must meet together in unity, pray, and play-harps so that the situation on earth would resemble that in heaven and a harmony would be established between the two. This appears to have come from the Christian prayer that God's will be done "on earth as it is in heaven". The harmonic link between the two realms was to be aided by the playing of harps, and this picture of a heavenly scene would appear to be inspired by the scriptural view provided in the book of Revelation' "And I heard a voice from heaven, as the voice of many waters, and as the voice of a great thunder: and I heard the voice of harpers harping with their harps: And they sung as it were a new song before the throne... "

The Kohititanga Marama movement was an attempt to revitalize the spirit of the Maori people and to renew the practice of religion among them by providing them with a system of belief and worship relevant to the time. Consequently it included elements from several religious sources, and prime among these was the translated scriptures. The prophet Matenga Tamati is remembered more than seventy years after his death. In the 1980s there are some who recall the great power of the man who was himself a retiring and modest person. His contribution to the faith of the Maori of his time has been acknowledged in tangible form in carvings on the right-hand side of the maihi of Tawhiti A Maru, the wharepuni associated with St Thereses Church in Wairoa. Here both Matenga and Paka, the man who donated the totara trees for the twelve Sons of Jacob, are represented.

Psalm 81
Sing aloud unto God our strength: shout for joy unto the God of Jacob.
Raise a psalm, and sound the timbrel, the pleasant harp with the lyre.
Blow up the trumpet in the new moon, at the full moon, on our solemn feast day.

Brief Comments from New Moon, New World

"The Kohiti faith was a very peaceful one - the followers were urged to live a peaceable life following the commandments of God and in preparation for the new age. ... Services ... took the pattern of Ringatu ... beginning on the evening of the new moon, [being symbolic of the day of God the new age] continuing with karakia throughout that day and night, and ending on the morning of the third day. "

"Mr. Api Hape ... 'the last of the Kohiti' ... said the movement did not contain any element of separation - Matenga was not anit-Pakeha as were other earlier prophets. In fact, Matenga's daughter Te Waihae Matanga, married a European named Bell. ... Kohiti believed that the spirit came through Te Kooti and then Matenga, but not to Rua Kenana and TW Ratana" (Elsmore 1998 47).

In 1950 an article by a Mr. Powdrell in the Wairoa Star noted [incorrectly] that the Totaras had been named after the 12 Apostles, a name which has remained locally and that: "Fearing that the trees would be burned, something approaching sacrilege to the Ringatus a number of the followers of that faith dragged the Totaras inland where they were buried and where they remain to this day - awaiting the arrival of the messiah" (Elsmore 1998 97).

The pillars have remained tapu: "a story is told of a boy who sat on one of them to eat his lunch. Shoirtly afterwards he bedcame ill with sores in his mouth. Despite being taken to a healer well-known in the district at the time, the boy died" (Elsmore 1998 43).

VALUES

The prophet Matenga instituted no new code of moral ideals or laws. There was no list of prohibitions such as dietary regulations designed to set the Kohiti apart from others, but Matenga insisted that the moral laws of the past be kept. The Kohiti code was therefore based on Maori tradition and missionary influence. A reasonable understanding of it can be gained by a review of the prophet's directions to his followers. His strong opinion of a daughter's action in marrying her first cousin shows adherence to the traditional law though this most probably occurred in the period prior to his prophetic designation. The extreme reverence for anything of a sacred nature and a sense of what behaviour was fitting in relation to sacred matters can be attributed to Maori tradition, supported by biblical example. In addition the Kohiti were taught complete reliance on the will of God, and this governed many of their actions. A new system of social or ethical values was not set up, apparently because it was not appropriate to the movement. The Kohiti was not a new religion, demanding a whole new system of doctrine, scriptures, rituals, institutions, and ethics; rather it was a renewal of religion. In view of this, no new code of precepts was necessary.

PROPHETHOOD

The role of Matenga Tamati as founder of the Kohiti religion was similar to that of the Old Testament prophets and leaders, and Matenga filled a social and spiritual need of the Wairoa people of his time. Like his ancient counterparts he received revelation direct from the divine source and acted as intermediary between God and man. As in the case of the old-time prophets, he was given a specific task to accomplish one which had significance to his people in their need. Like the ancients he was a strict leader, keeping the people to the commands of God, and imposing penalties when necessary in order to match the standards demanded. Matenga possessed powers which were claimed to be divinely given. In the Maori traditional social system there was a model for the leaderfigure who was both a social leader and spiritual adept. The rangatira or ariki was likely to be a tohunga tuahu also, and the gifts of matakite (second sight) and healing were accepted powers possessed by some. There is, however, a difference between the role of Matenga as a newstyle prophet and that of the tohunga or matakite (seer) before him. While the traditional figure usually sought actively to divine the will of the gods by the use of devices such as the niu, Matenga's revelation was not sought by him, but divinely bestowed without the agency of any material aids. In this respect the model is, rather, that of the biblical prophets. Matenga, like those former figures, was entrusted with a specific task. With the materials for the temepara in readiness, he was told his work was now ended, and like those before him he accepted this command. His role after that was to minister to the spiritual needs of the people, and this he did to his death. He did not concern himself with political matters, other than to see that a 'treasure' was set up to ensure the continuing security of the temple and the religion. Matenga as pr-)phet did not claim divinity. In this, too, he followed tradition and the pattern of Old Testament prophets who were men divinely chosen for a special task among their people. in lin.with this belief there has been no attempt to preserve a lasting link with the prophet his grave is not marked, no photographs are revered, and there has been no question of his returning to guide his people as an atua. His relationship with his followers was person-to-person. He did not keep himself apart members of the Kohiti, but worked alongside them, with no special privileges. There was no special title by which he was addressed he was known to the Kohiti simply as 'Matenga'. The concept of the prophet is central to Kohiti belief, with Old Testament figures and later prophets accepted together with belief in a continuing line of such leaders. Kohiti saw itself as following the Ringatu movement of Te Kooti. The earlier prophet saw himself as a Moses to his people, and some striking parallels were recognised. Te Kooti and his followers were exiled on the Chathdm Islands, as the Israelites had been in Egypt both peoples captive against their will. Divine revelation came to the new prophet as it had in the earlier time, and he followed his predecessor's lead to guide his people out of exile and once more to their own land. Their means of return, the schooner Rifleman, was seen as the Ark of Deliverance as much a divine gift as was the parting of the Red Sea. Like Moses, Te Kooti was to spend years wandering with his people, without a permanent home. This was very relevant to Kohiti since the prophetic designation of Te Kooti was continued in Matenga, and there was to be at least one more prophet the one who would complete the tabernacle. The prophecies of Te Kooti which refer to a successor were believed by the Kohiti to be realised in Matenga. While the two did not meet, there was no doubt in the minds of the new prophet's followers that it was to Te Matenga that Te Kooti referred. Te Matenga was given the reason why full blessings had not been given to the Ringatu. As Moses was finally refused entry to the Promised Land because he doubted the Lord," so Te Kooti was not given the task of building the temepara because the violence he had perpetrated made him unworthy of the task. This has a direct parallel in the biblical account of why David was denied the honour of building the permanent temple of the Lord.

David said to Solomon, 'My son, / had it in my heart to build a house to the name of the Lord my God. But the word of the Lord came to me saying, "You have shed much blood and have waged great wars; you will not build a house to my name, because you have shed so much blood before me on the earth". "'

It is interesting to note that informants, when telling of the link between Te Kooti and Matenga, used a phrase similar to this biblical account. Te Kooti was denied full blessings of God 'because of the blood which was on his hands'.

Similarly, then, a further prophet was called to continue the task begun by another. At the height of Te Matenga's activity other 'prophets' were following Te Kooti's path. The most publicised of these was Rua Kenana, who undertook journeys to places of significance associated with that prophet. Such activities, particularly Rua's search for the large diamond believed hidden by Te Kooti in the ranges inland from Wairoa, his travels accompanied by a chest sometimes rumoured to contain the diamond, and his journey to Gisborne for a predicted meeting with King Edward, were very public actions. Meanwhile, Te Matenga's work was proceeding without fanfare. While others made dramatic claims, Matenga's followers saw their prophet-leader as the one the Lord was now guiding. Claims to temporal succession were not important God selected who it would be to receive the guidance. It is unnecessary to try to single out an actual Old Testament counterpart to Matenga, and it is not now known whether he himself claimed a specific link with any, though the naming of his later daughter Ripeka (Rebecca) provides a link with the ancient Israelites, namely Rebecca, the mother of Jacob. Similarities between the tasks of both David and Solomon can be noted, but there is no exact parallel. While Matenga's spiritual role followed ori from that of Te Kooti he may be considered a latter-day Solomon:

[But the word of the Lord came to me, saying ... Behold, a son shall be born to youl he shall be a man of peace. / will give him peace from all his enemies round about,for his name shall be Solomon, and / will give peace and quiet to Israel in his days. He shall build my house for my name. He shall be my son, and / will be his father, and / will establish his royal throne in Israel for ever."

However, a full parallel does not exist here, either. Though Matenga could be regarded as a 'son' of Te Kooti in the way of being his spiritual successor, and leader of 'the second Ringatu', he was not to be the builder of the temple. He was given notice of the task and did the preparatory work, but he was destined not to accomplish the work himself. In this, he is more like David. Like Solomon for most of his rule, Matenga was a peacemaker. His teachings of peace between the races, and the patterns employed in his healing and ministrations, however, can be seen to be more reminiscent of models provided by the Christian Gospels. The emphasis on the use of prayer on all relevant occasions would also appear to be a synthesis of traditional Maori and Christian practices.

The basic laws governing the Kohiti, such as strict adherence to the laws of God, and obedience to instructions given through the Prophet, were comparable to those incumbent upon the Hebrews, though obviously all those rules specific to the people of Moses were not applicable to the later people. Like the Old Testament prophets, Matenga was a strict leader, as can be seen in the incident of some offending members of the tree-felling party being put out of the camp a punishment comparable to that given to offenders among the Israelites in the wilderness under the command of Moses, though the latter was frequently a permanent banishment while the banishment of the Kohiti was temporary.

Te Matenga, like the Old Testament prophets, was himself given divine assistance in the form of unusual powers evidenced in his faculties of matakite and healing. He was no mere visionary who experienced flashes of insight regarding the future, but is believed to have been in continuing communication with God, and was therefore able to communicate the divine will to his people. Whereas some earlier Maori prophets claimed instruction by the angel Gabriel, Matenga's communication was direct, with no intermediary involved. The prophet heard the voice of God instructing him, and continuing revelation enabled him to lead his followers for the twenty years of his mission. This divine communication was unsought, and no practices such as divination were employed to prompt it or to ascertain the will of God in any way.

HEALING

Neither was Te Matenga's gift of healing sought; it was a divine blessing or consequence of his prophetic designation. Several informants reported 'miraculous' healing of broken limbs, and others told of blessings given to families to ensure the welfare of its members. It is interesting to note a direct parallel in stories told about Te Kooti and Matenga. In the former case Pirika Hohepa told how he had gone to Te Kooti for help after several of his children died, and after the prophet gave his spiritual ministrations there were no more deaths in the family.11 This account closely resembles that told of Matenga where eight children of a family died before a further eight lived, after his intervention.

Spiritual healing in Maori tradition was generally related to the removal of makutu (curses), effected through the ministrations of a tohunga.

THE RELIGION OF MATENGA

The teachings of Te Hahi o te Kohititanga Marama, the Religion of the New Moon, as given by Te Matenga Tamati, have some similarities to those of Te Kooti, but they did not originate solely in the Ringatu religion. The idea that the Maori of the latter half of the 1800s were similar in situation to the ancient Hebrews, and in many instances had cultural parallels, had been a common factor in many Maori religious movements over that period." Matenga's religion, therefore, may be seen as another consequence of the great spiritual need felt by the Maori around the whole country at the time. Appropriately, it combined several strands of belief Maori tradition, Ringatu, Hebrew, and Christian. There is no doubt, however, that the model and pattern for many of the religious aspects is Ringatu. The followers of Matenga considered him the spiritual successor to Te Kooti, and sometimes referred to their movement as 'the second Ringatu'." Services followed the Ringatu format there being little or nothing in the way of written scriptures, but panui (verses) that were committed to memory." But there were some differences, too. Matenga placed full emphasis on the new moon as symbolic of a new world. This was promised as a time of restoration. The building cf the new world was to come shortly this was the day of God. So the religion was named Kohiti from the phrase 'Te Kohititanga Marama' the first appearance of the moon, or the reflection of the moon. The followers of Matenga therefore called the religion and themselves Kohiti.11 An alternative name was 'The Church of the New World'." The Kohiti faith was a very peaceful one the followers were urged to live a peaceable life following the commandments of God and in preparation for the new age. A distinct departure from Ringatu occurred in the change in time of the sacred days. Kohiti services were held at the new moon rather than on the twelfth of each month as in Ringatu. These, though, took the pattern of the Ringatu services beginning on the evening before the new moon, continuing with karakia throughout that day and night, and ending on the morning of the third day. A man remembered attending some of these meetings and being told that at mealtimes people would donate a sum of money, one shilling a;id sixpence being the regular amount given. This would be placed on the table, and the act of giving would help to promote health and long life." Meeting days were to be kept sacred, the day of the new moon being symbolic of the day of God the new age. On that day people should play their harps, as they will play them in heaven. In addition, the Kohiti observed the days of special significance to the Ringatu religion the first of January and the first of July." Favourite verses chanted were from Psalms, and chapters from the book of Isaiah." Regarding the future, Matenga told his followers that if they prayed hard, then someone would be sent to build the temple. The last instructions of the prophet were that when all the people of New Zealand came to be together in one church, and all prayed and played their harps at the new moon, then a prophet would come. One indication of his identity was given he will be from among poorer people." Mr Api Hape, as 'the last of the Kohiti', provided additional comments which contribute further to the feeling of the religion. He said that the movement did not include any element of separation Matenga was not anti-Pakeha as were other earlier prophets. In fact, Matenga's daughter, Te Waihae Matanga, married a European named Bell. Mr Hape believed that Matenga was the divinely appointed successor to Te Kooti. Matenga himself though was a modest man, not an active evangelist, and did not widely proclaim himself as such." But all the Kohiti were convinced that the spirit had come to him. In this respect the Kohiti believed that the spirit came through Te Kooti and then Matenga, but not to Rua Kenana and T.W. Ratana. it is in this light that Mr Hape sometimes referred to the Kohiti as 'the second Ringatu'. He also firmly believed that the Maori are the descendants of Israel."

Te Matenga's prophethood and religion are remembered in tangible form in the pillars which still wait on the beach at Korito, and also in carvings at St Therese's church complex in Wairoa. This Catholic church in Ruataniwha Road includes the wharepuni Tawhiti a AAaru, Te Rangimarie, which, when it was built, featured ancestors of the area in the carvings that surrounded the entrance to the house. On the right of the maihi, between Maru on the koruru and Kahungunu and Te o Tane on the amo, were depicted the prophet Matenga, and Paka the man who owned the totara and donated them to be pillars of the temepara." These carvings have since been transferred and now surround the entrance to the complex.

St Therese's church complex is situated at Waihirere, in close proximity to Takitimu marae, which was visited by Te Kooti over New Year 1885-1886, following his pardon in February 1883. He had planned to visit Wairoa in 1884, but was opposed by chiefs of the area and Mohaka. Government requests to abandon his plan were heeded by the prophet, who called it off. The local people displayed more acceptance of his visit the following year when Te Kooti assured them of the peaceful nature of his religion. His reception was welcoming, though the killing of local men was remembered. In a further visit to the area, in 1891, Te Kooti held the Ringatu first of July service at Kihitu, on the coast just a few kilometres from Korito.

The Three Prophetesses of Upper Waihou (303)

Maria Pangari

Maria Pangari was a young woman of about twenty-five in 1885 when her predictions in the Northland district of Hokianga created much interest among Maori and settlers alike. She was from "one of the old tohunga families"' her father was Aporo Pangari,l and they lived at Upper Waihou, Hokianga. The family belonged to the Catholic Church. In various reports of the time she was also referred to as Maria Te Hohou, and Mere Taipu;l in the early part of 1885, she was well-known around the country simply as "The prophetess" of the north. In February 1885 Maria had a vision of the Christ whom she said appeared to her in bodily presence and instructed her to make offerings of a fowl then, three days later, a dog. She sacrificed these as burnt offerings when she was alone. She was then commanded to keep silent for fourteen days, and at the end of this time she was to announce the coming of Christ. For the stated time Maria did not speak at all, and at the end of the period she foretold the end of the world. The Advent was to take place on the twenty-eighth of March, but definitely by the end of that month. Consequently, the period of March was to be regarded as tapu.' The news of the prophecy spread quickly throughout the region, and Maori people from many parts flocked to the scene. Among the settlers there was much interest in the happenings also, and many exaggerated reports spread far afield. One report published in Germany in June of that year told of the expectation of millennial happenings, and stated that on the hills of Hokianga thousands of dead Maori would gather. A stream flowing down from heaven would wash them white so they would look like Europeans. They would then reign with Christ for a thousand years.' These details, however, were not confirmed in any of the other sources available.

Those who believed in the prophecy of the coming were advised to dispose of their material possessions, for the promise had been made that the poorer they were when the time came, the richer they would be thereafter. Consequently, many of the people of the district sold or gave away everything they had. The Rev. E.B. Clarke reported that horses were sold at a few shillings a head, and potatoes let go for a mere sixpence a ton. Some cultivated areas were thrown open to pigs and cattle so they could forage at will on the potatoes and other crops.' The followers of the prophetess set up a camp at Waioro Stream, a little north of Kaihoke. Spencer von Sturmer, the Resident Magistrate at Hokianga, reported that nearly all the residents of the village of Upper Waihou joined the prophetess and disposed of their cattle and food for a mere tenth of their value.' At the new settlement a house was erected for the use of Christ when he arrived. Numbers of other people from throughout the northern district also came to the settlement and camped there, waiting to witness the appearance of Christ, and the change in all things upon the earth which had been foretold. Reports throughout the month variously estimated the numbers gathered as around 200 or more, with approximately 400 at Waioro during the later part of March to await the end.1 They came from all the main religious denominations Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist.'

Two of the chief supporters of the movement were said to be Whai and Kato, who had been the largest subscribers to the church recently built at Kaikohe, and opened only the week before. But others were not so impressed by the prophetess. Rumours were spread throughout the European community to the effect that there were to be further sacrifices, and that the settlers of the area were in danger of being murdered. These notions, however, were soon proved to be unfounded, and official investigations confirmed there were no such intentions. Not surprisingly though, most of those outside of her own people, claimed that Maria was "porangi", insane, and the Rev. E.B. Clarke noted that she came from a family "in which insanity is not unknown". At this time, he added, "the malady to which there was a predisposition assumed the form of religious mania"!'

One writer said that the prophetess ordered the sacrifice of many animals as an offering for the people, and gave as an example the taking of a cat which was a child's pet, and throwing it into a fire which was lit for that purpose." But feeling against the movement rose to its highest when there were stories of a proposed human sacrifice. The Magistrate's Court in Russell, the Native Department, and Defence Department were all alerted as to the situation, and a constant series of messages passed between Hokianga and Wellington. Constables were instructed to travel to the area, then their orders rescinded as local officials thought any over-reaction might provoke problems. Mr J. Greenway, the Clerk of the Magistrates Court, was to keep the matter under his attention and act as he thought fit. The Minister for Defence instructed that should there be any trouble the prophetess was to be arrested as a lunatic. Maria and her followers, however, were incensed at reports of such rumours, and said they had been spread by some outsider who wanted to make mischief. The prophetess exclaimed that she was Christ's messenger, and that he came to save, not to destroy!' To help ease the situation, Maria and a few attendants travelled to Kawakawa on 27 March to address the settlers. The previous day she had journeyed to the settlement of Waiomio, a few kilometres south of the township, where she stayed as the guest of the chief Marsh Brown. The chief and his whole hapu escorted her to Kawakawa which she entered in a light wagon, attended by three "maids of honour". A messenger was sent around the town to instruct the residents to gather to hear the prophetess address them. A settler was chosen to act as interpreter, and Maria, standing on the verandah of the Star Hotel, spoke to the people assembled. The Kawakawa news correspondent wrote that she spoke clearly and well of her mission to her own people, quoting many passages from the Bible. Her visit to Kawakawa was to meet the settlers, and to assure them of her friendly interest in them, and "the peace and love inspiring doctrine that alone shi! taught". In this spirit of love she had come also to tell them that the end of the world was near and the day of redemption at hand. Maori and Europeans were to watch and be ready, for the time was short. Marsh Brown then addressed the audience, saying that tune would show whether or not the prophecies were correct. If they were not, then no harm would be done, and he gave his guarantee that should any disturbance occur, he would see to it as "all should remain in peace and love to the Pakeha!. The loving cup was then handed around to all those assembledil Other early reports about the movement suggested variations on some details. The Herald correspondent at Hokianga reported on 18 March that it was a man, "with a very euphonious name, who had received the divine messages. Through visions, at night and verbal communications from on high, he was told that this world of sin and wickedness would be cast into outer darkness. In this case, it was stated, the Maori must adopt a new plan of salvation now revealed because the mediation of Christ was applicable only to the Europeans. The plan involved the setting up of an altar built "according to the design adopted in the time of Moses", on which various sacrifices of sheep, dogs, and owls were made using fire. The culmination of these was to be a human sacrifice. The report also said that the one who was chosen to die was a "well-featured girt, the daughter of the high priest himself, who is a consenting party, she having expressed her willingness to die for the benefit of her race and people."'

Although the correspondent noted that the police had visited the settlement and confirmed his statements, Clarke who also visited the people at Waioro seems to be replying to this and other rumours when he wrote on 26 March that the prophetess herself and her people had told him they had no high priest, and that the idea of offering a human sacrifice had never entered their minds." A report from the Magistrate's Court at Russell stated that the Member of Parliament for the Northem Maori district, Mr Ihaka Hakuene, had looked into the matter, visiting the settlement where he found everything quiet with the residents having no arms or ammunition. Neither had they any intention to alarm, disturb, or injure any Europeans. No indication or confirmation of any human sacrifice was evident, and he himself did not believe the rumour. He had a long talk with the prophetess. Her followers confirmed their intention to stay with her until the end of March and if the expected change did not then take place, they would go home. What was of most concern to the Member of Parliament was the unfounded reports which were being circulated about the matter!l Mr Greenway also paid a visit to Waioro, and found the residents being "from Waihou, Hokianga, Hohaia Patuone, and people, relatives of the late Tamati Waka Nene" were well-acquainted with him and consequently they conversed freely and were most hospitable. He described the prophetess as "as young woman of about 24 years, rather pleasant looking," adding unlike Mr Hakuene who pronounced her "porangi" that she did not give one the idea of being deranged. Greenway noted that Maria and her most ardent supporters were Catholics, but at the present time they didn't seem to hold any religious services at all. Maria was well versed in the scriptures, and spent much of her time in discussion with visitors to the camp. Generally, those gathered passed their time in various games and amusements. They behaved well and orderly, and allowed no intoxicating liquors to be brought into the camp for fear that these would promote disturbances. On every subject but that of the new religious beliefs, the people talked quite sensibly, Mr Greenway commented, and when he remonstrated with Patuone on the way his people had sold their property for so little, the chief said they were accustomed to be impoverished through the holding of tangi. The money gained from the sale of belongings was spent on food to carry them through until the end of the month, and in buying clothes in which to appear on the last day. Some of the people were said to owe money to the local storekeeper; when he threatened to take them to court over it, they replied that they could not attend because it was a tapu month, but should the prophecies not be fulfilled, then they would be ready in April to settle their accounts. For the same reason they did not attend the sittings of the Native Land Court which were being held at the time!' Visitors to the camp told of how new believers in the prophecies presented items of value to the prophetess, and she was said to have accumulated quite a stock of things such as jewellery, watches, and trinkets.

One report said that gifts of all kinds came from all quarters, and one village made up one hundred pounds in money. When Greenway visited, he was asked by Patuone to give her his watch the purpose being to indicate that he was one of them also. But it was also reported by the same informant some days later that Maria had earlier scattered all the numberless presents she had received including rings, chains, lockets, greenstone among the crowd for them to take at will. In this way she avoided the charges that her motivation had been one of material gain. The day favoured for the end, Saturday 28 March, arrived and at the camp there was feasting, music, and dancing. The marae was set out in a square, with temporary houses all around, and the seat of the prophetess in the centreWhen the day passed it was announced that the event would take place on the last day of the month. On Sunday 29 March many Europeans, no doubt reassured by the friendly overtures of the prophetess in Kawakawa the previous Thursday, visited the camp and were hospitably received and treated. The following day, on Monday the thirtieth, Maria again appeared in Kawakawa with Marsh Brown, and once more addressed a crowd from the hotel verandah. She showed a friendly disposition, saying she was troubled by the press reports and loved everyone. The final day would now take place the next day on the thirty-first of the month. Mr Greenway again visited the settlement on the day of Tuesday 31 March and reported that at least half of the people had already left for their homes, and many more of them planned to leave the following day. Some others, however, said that they would be staying for a few weeks longer.

Many of Maria's followers were now admitting that she was crazy, and said that she had made a statement on the previous Sunday which had partly opened the eyes of many. lt was known that King Tawhiao was to visit Northland in the coming month, and the prophetess addressed the people saying: "I hear some of the people have threatened to burn; they can do so if they please, but I would rather not, as I wish to attend Tawhiao's meeting on the 23rd of April." One man immediately enquired how she reconciled this with her prophecy that the world would end in March. In addition, it was reported that Maria was apparently trying to get a Maori clergyman to marry her to a young man of her party, but this could not be done as the man in question already had a wife in Hokianga."

Another correspondent present on the last day wrote that he had questioned the prophetess about her prophecies, to be told by her: "They were fools to believe me; the day is only postponed, and I will still foretell that the end is near. So it was that the millennial prophecies of Maria Pangari did not eventuate. The followers of the prophetess returned to their respective homes to carry on their lives much as before. In his summing up of the incident, Mr Greenway gave his opinion that the reports of possible financial ruin for some of the participants had been greatly exaggerated. While much food had undoubtedly been wasted, and the Waihou residents had sold some stock and spent the money, these people were comparatively well off and had left property back at Waihou to which they could return. Some of their stock had been appropriated by neighbours during their absence, and it was anticipated that this could cause some disputes, but otherwise the whole incident had passed off with little in the way of negative results. But the story of Maria Pangari was not to end quite so soon. After the end of March, she spent some weeks travelling around the district with a retinue of friends and relations, visiting various settlements and speaking to the residents. Then the prophetess attended the meeting of King Tawhiao and some more interesting developments occurred. Tawhiao had been invited by the Ngapuhi to visit the Bay of Islands in April, and the king and a party of followers travelled northwards on the SS Glenelg that month. It was hoped by some that a consequence of this meeting would be Ngapuhi allegiance to the king and his movement, but this did not occur as several of the most influential chiefs were opposed to this. The king was the guest of the chief Maiki Kawiti, but the two fell out over Tawhiao's signing of their Treaty of Alliance he using the term "Kingi" to prefix his name. But what is most interesting is the fact that a report of the occasion told that the only new subjects gained by the king were the late followers of the prophetess.' Tawhiao left the north to return to his home in Waikato on 8 May, and with him went Maria Pangari and a party of her followers. From there she travelled overland to Taranaki. This time was one of great activity at Parihaka visitors were arriving from many districts, and it was reported that the prophetess of Hokianga was expected to be a conspicuous guest. Maria's career, however, was cut short she died in Patea and was apparently buried there. But even then the influence of the "prophetess of the North" did not come to an end, for it was the inspiration for a further movement which to arise in her home area very soon after. The exact truth about the response of Maria Pangari is a little difficult to establish because of the variety within the reports published, but study of them all together suggests the following conclusion. It was a millennial movement which was inspired by the Christian teachings of the Return of Christ and the establishment of the Kingdom of God on earth. Maria's vision, and her appointment as the messenger of Jesus, were ideas which were familiar to all mission-taught Maori through the teachings of the missionaries and the New Testament scriptures. Influence from the Old Testament appears to have been present in the idea of sacrifices, though references to Hebraic practices within the Christian gospels could also have provided some inspiration for them. In the reference which specifically pointed out an Old Testament notion that of the Mosaic design for an altar of sacrifice it should be noted that this appears to have been the correspondent's interpretation, and this particular report gave a quite different account than any other. Many details in it varied widely from the rest, and were-denied by the prophetess and her people. It seems, therefore, that this can be considered simply as a millennialist response of the Christian tradition, with no known single or specific reason or motivation for its occurrence.

Ani Karo

Among the party who accompanied Maria Pangari to Taranaki was a woman who was described by the Rev. T.G. Hammond as strong-willed and ambitious. On the death of the prophetess in Patea, this woman assumed leadership of the group which then travelled on to Parihaka to spend some time with the prophet Te Whiti. The new leader was Ani Karo, a woman of the Hokianga district; the daughter of the chief Hohaia Patuone, and wife of Ngakete. Her name was alternatively reported in official documents and reports as Ani Kaaro, Anne Koro, Anne Karo, and Annie Karo. On her return to Upper Waihou, she gave to her people gifts sent to them by Te Whiti, and tried to spread his teachings amongst them. In the beginning they were disinclined to listen to her new notions, having no desire to repeat their earlier experience when they had been made to appear somewhat foolish in the eyes of outsiders. It was decided, however, to send one of their people to Parihaka for further information. The one chosen was a young man called Tame Kuku, a nephew of the late prophetess he being the son of Mata Kuku who was a sister of Maria. Ihme returned full of the teachings of Te Whiti, and the people of Upper Waihou became supporters of the new ideas. Hammond said that up until this time the villagers had gladly received visits from the mission, but now they were told that these must cease. The people had "come to a decision to try a new thing; that under old arrangements they were gradually dying away; their lands and mana were gone; but in the new condition of things they had hope: they would regain their land and mana." It was also said that "Te Whiti had promised to give back the whole Island, together with all Pakeha possessions, and the Pakehas would become servants for them."

These beliefs would appear to be quite a departure from those held previously in the district, though an occurrence in July 1885 niight suggest that such views had some support before this time. On this occasion a party of women disrupted a survey party at Motukaraka and stopped their work from continuing. In this case it seems that the people of Upper Waihou may have been already sympathetic to the Parihaka cause, and this would explain Maria's visit to Taranaki. Whatever the full truth, the village adopted the new teachings and Ani Karo became the leader or prophetess' being known around the region for a time as an especially gifted woman. 29 There is a possibility that the baptismal name of the prophetess may have contributed some inspiration to the response. As Maria Pangari before her must have been aware of the significance of her name in the biblical scriptures, it is possible that Ani's suggested an association with Ana the prophetess mentioned in Luke 2:36. S. von Sturmer, Resident Magistrate, reported on 20 July 1886 that about twenty Ngapuhi people had declared themselves adherents of Te Whiti. In November of the same year Greenway sent notice to the Native Department that there was to be a meeting at Upper Waihou concerning superstitious observances" of certain people, headed by Ani Karo.

At this stage it appears there was no alarm over the new beliefs. During the previous year, since the departure of Maria Pangari for Taranaki, it had been noted by officials that there had been no disturbances at all the region being very quiet with no crime. Within the next few months, though, the situation changed. When Ani Karo was absent from the district, being on a trip to Napier, another woman made a rival claim for leadership and set herself up as prophetess. She quickly gained the support of the people, and the movement became known for many excessive practices. Ani, on her return, denounced the new prophetess and her notions, and was said to have "excommunicated" the followers;" but many of the people remained with their new leader even Ani's father Hohaia, who remained active in the movement throughout its existence. These events caused many problems over the coming years, and much of the trouble which occurred between the movement and the settlers were provoked and incited by the bitter rivalry between the two women. Few details are known about the movement begun by Ani Karo, but it was inspired by what she had learned in 'Mranaki, and the teachings of Te Whiti which were brought back. It seems certain that it was motivated by concern for the alienation of land, as in the Taranaki and Waikato responses of the time.

Like the Parihaka movement it dropped observance of the Sunday sabbath, was not positive toward the message of the missions, and it was known among its supporters as 'Hauhauism'. Backed by her own group of supporters, Ani opposed her rivals during the following years in particular, attempting to get her father to leave them, but apparently with little hope of success as it was reported that the old man seemed to be "completely infatuated with them and their religion". She appears to have tried to keep better relations with government officials than the other party, and in August 1887 assured Police Inspector McGovern that she would never again practise the "Hauhau" religion, that she was not a prophetess now nor did she intend to be again. In addition, she promised to get her people to again observe the Sunday sabbath. The Inspector noted in November of that year that though she continued to carry on her monthly meetings, they were conducted in an orderly manner "and nothing whatsoever bordering on Hauhauism prophesying" took place.

Remana Hi

The woman who took over from Ani Karo was another sister of the former prophetess Maria Pangari. Her name was Remana Hi, though it appears alternatively in records as Rimana Hi, Remana Hane, Remana Pangari, and Remana Hipiriona. Remana too was a daughter of Aporo Pangari and she was apparently married to Hipiriona Hi who was also involved in the events which were to take place. With Ani Karo temporarily out of the district, and the village firmly behind the new teachings, Remana became the new prophetess figure. Once again members of the Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist churches became followers, and reports suggests that throughout most of its term the followers numbered between thirty and fifty.

Aporo Pangari, as the elder of the village, and also as the father of the prophetess, was known as leader and sometimes spokesman. Tame Kuku, nephew of Remana, was regarded as a sort of "priest", probably because he had learned the new teachings from Te Whiti. Tame was also known as Tom Cook he had a European father and could speak English. Not all of the new notions seem to have come from Parihaka, however, and from the beginning of Remana's influence some very different developments occurred. "Absurd rites and ceremonies", and threats were reported. Some of these excited the indignation of other Maori in the region, as well as settlers, and both groups opposed the new party. In the first half of 1887 the prophetess claimed to be able to raise the dead to life, and the following incident was reported to have happened" A girl of eight months old died, and the prophetess assured her followers that she would raise her to life again. The body was kept unburied for eleven days, but other natives complained to the Resident Magistrate, and the relatives were notified to have the body buried. Instead of.this they made a large pile of wood and burnt the body on it, and, it is said, ate some of it. Further rumours spread that others were cremated in the belief that a new body would arise from the ashes. The practice of cremation was strongly criticized by other Maori in the area they being even more horrified when they learned it was a growing European custom. Whatever the truth of the matter, much alarm was felt in European and other Maori settlements. Following the denouncement by Ani Karo, this group moved to another area setting up an exclusive community, and keeping themselves apart from others in the district. They built a settlement on a rise near the river at Upper Waihou, and marked out a sacred area after instructions had been revealed to Remana in a dream. The boundaries of the area were marked by a line of flagpoles from which hung long streamers of white calico. Remana decreed that her people should all dress in white garments the assumption being that white denoted purity. On the other hand, black things were bad and to wear this colour would therefore be inappropriate. As the area was strictly tapu, anything black was forbidden within the markers, and it was said that should any stock or fowl of this colour stray into the sacred enclosure it would be killed. A new form of worship was adopted. This dropped the former emphasis on Christian teachings, and further guidance revealed to the prophetess that the New Testament scriptures were not divinely inspired and therefore not sacred. Instead, the Old Testament was to be followed.

The site of the new camp was known as Mount Zion, and there was no recognition of the Christian sabbath. The Rev. T.G. Hammond recorded the following feelings of the believers about such matters Who can tell which is the right religion? You Pakehas have so many different churches; why are you so angry with us for not observing the Lord's Day? You should reform your own people; your people do not keep the Sabbath. Why, at Taranaki the soldiers even went to fight the Maoris on Sunday when they were at prayers. This last reference is interesting, for a similar incident had occurred at Ruapekapeka in the Northland district in January 1846. The fact that the Waihou people now referred to the Taranaki happening could mean merely that it was more recent, but perhaps also that their movement was influenced by those of that region. As children were kept away from European education, the school at Upper Waihou declined. This had also happened in the time of Maria Pangari when the people believed the world was at an end, but following that attendance had again picked up. Prior to this period, despite the fact that the roll varied as people moved around the district according to food supply, the school had a good record and in 1884 claimed one of the best pass rates in the whole region. The situation altered as result of the new movement, and successive reports of the District Supervisor of Schools over the relevant years show that the school was closed near the end of 1887 and did not reopen until April 1889. The group saw the schools as "established by the Government for some other purpose than that of benefitting" them. They asked the missioners "What is the value of education to us? We let you have our children to educate, and they either return to us and are Maoris still or sicken and die."

Once again rumours of the happenings at the site caused alarm. One report stated that on 1 June 1887 a party of opposing Maori went to arrest the group. They were captured after resisting strongly, but then got loose again and warned their captors that they were cannibals now and that no meat was so sweet as human flesh, and that they were hungry to eat all their attackers. These words, if actually spoken, were most likely merely a taunt to their attackers it is very doubtful that the group did ever eat any part of any body. The same report" continued The European settlers in the district were much annoyed at the rites and incantations of these Hauhaus, who made night and day hideous by their constant howling. At times they would tie up a supposed victim for sacrifice; and on one occasion, having kidnapped a native boy from another settlement, they were proceeding as with the fictitious victim. The affair was discovered, and the Hauhaus were attacked and the lad released.

There seems to be little doubt that several such extreme reports contained much exaggeration. Contradictory official reports show there was confusion about the real situation for the constable at Hokianga reported in midJune that the group was peaceful, and there were iio complaints by the settlers. He also testified at the trial that he had visited the camp with Police Inspector McGovern and that they were greeted peacefully outside. The men were invited to enter if they would take off their shoes, hat, and other clothing, and put on one of their white garments. The visitors declined. At this time the people assured the policemen that they wanted peace, and that the incidents had all been caused by Ani Karo. They stated they had burned only the body of the child and no other and that this was a part of their religion and not a crime. On 4 July 1887 a settler, William Hearn, strayed into the sacred enclosure apparently by mistake during a fog. He was seized by members of the group, tied up, and some of his clothing hat, waistcoat, boots, and socks was removed and burned, as well as his bridle. Presumably, these items were coloured black, and therefore considered an affront to God whose sacred area it was regarded. Hearn testified that he was detained for a short while, but then escorted out of the area after giving Tame Kuku a pound note which he had on him. On Friday 22 July a force of twenty-two men under Police Inspector McGovern entered the sacred site and were attacked by the residents. In the fight which followed, several were injured though none seriously. The main offenders were arrested, taken to Rawene, and the following day tried for assaulting Mr Hearn, and/or for resisting the police. They attended the court dressed in white, each with a white band around their head. Of the twenty-three defendants the most prominent names were those of the prophetess Remana Hi, and her family father Aporo Pangari, as well as Wiremu and Kokou Pangari, her husband Hipiriona Hi, sister Mata Kuku, and nephew Tame Kuku. Sixteen were sentenced to terms of imprisonment with hard tabour of up to three months and taken to Mount Eden gaol in Auckland. Chief Hohaia Patuone and his wife Harata Patuone, parents of Ani Karo, were said to be very penitent, the chief promising to "put an end to Hauhauism on his return to Waihou". They were released on bail, and it was reported that "Ani Karo and several other friendlies" came to take charge of them . Their son, Patu Hohaia, however was among those convicted.

At the trial Remana Hi, who was described in the press account as "a very intelligent woman", defended the actions of the group. She admitted the attack on Hearn saying that they had assaulted him and tied him up for their own protection meaning the protection of their rules which were agreed on by them." The rule that this man had broken was one of the most sacred, that is trespassing in their enclosure. This rule was made in the interest of peace and religion, for previous to the making of this rule, they were living in fear and trembling of the neighbouring tribes, who had assaulted them most cruelly, and a number of them were still suffering from wounds and hurts during the repulsion of a determined attack from Ani Kaaro and her adherents which lasted twelve days. Again the prophetess denied the many accusations which had been made against them, also attributing these to the opposition of Ani Karo who wished to injure them in the eyes of the Europeans. She further argued that The white robes which they wore was the emblem of peace, as it was known all over the world that a white flag was a sign of truce, and a black or red flag was a sign of lawlessness and danger, therefore they excluded all black and coloured clothes. That reason was the group's defence to the charge of attacking the police party, as the members were wearing black coats.

With the leaders of the religion in gaol in Auckland, their camp was completely demolished and the remainder of the residents dispersed. Hohaia, as promised, helped urge all the tribes of Waihou to keep the peace and abide by the law." At one point there was a rumour that Ani Karo was reviving her movement, but this was denied by her. After the return of the leaders of the group, in November 1887, things were fairly quiet for a period, though rumours still arose periodically. A year later McGovern reported that while the people were conducting themselves "remarkably well", they were still carrying on their "nonsensical religion". Chief Hohaia and his son were back with them, and nothing would induce the chief to leave.11 The movement continued in much the same manner throughout the following year, growing in strength as it gained adherents from some neighbouring settlements.

The group took to marching along roads, dressed in their white robes, carrying flags, and blowing horns. The Rev. T.A. Joughin reported that "Almost ceaseless processions were organized, and as they marched therein they repeated the Psalms in unison, until they worked themselves into a state of frenzy." On one occasion the purpose of the march was to gather the bones and ashes of their dead from the old settlement. They wished to return to their old camping ground, but were advised not to by officials as this would bring them into further contact with Ani Karo and her people. It was also reported that the group had been visited by two Mormons, "but the Hauhaus would not listen to their preaching but ordered them off."

In July 1889 further rumours spread, to the effect that the prophetess had sacrificed a child by roasting it on a fire. The group was then living at an isolated spot called Orira, and it was said that if the angel Gabriel did not come to lead them to glory by Monday the twenty-third, they would leave Orira and return to Waihou."A further report" on the rumours gave the generally agreed story as: A few days before the full moon in June last past Remana Hi said or told her people that Atua wanted some substantial sacrifice before He would condescend to come down to them, the Hauhau. A young child 2 years old, son of Wi Pani and his wife Raiha was taken by the prophetess, in front of all the people, stripped of its clothes and thrown head-first in a bucket of fresh water to wash its sins away, and make it a meet offering to Atua. The mother of the baby was then asked are you willing to give this child to Atua. Yes, the mother said, I am. Are you willing the prophetess asked of the father, Wi Pani Yes I am. The prophetess then took the babe by its feet and head and lifted it over her head, and then over a large fire of live coals. She then gradually brought the child down, closer, and closer to the fire. The babe wriggled and twisted and bent its little back but the grim prophetess held it fast. At last the terrific scream of the babe recalled its father back to his right mind. He made a snatch for the child, and the prophetess put it down, saying Atua was now satisfied, but a thorough sacrifice would be required next time.

The District Constable, Ward, interviewed Wi Pani privately and was told that the prophetess had asked him for his child as a test of faith similar to Abraham, but that he had refused. The incident seems to have been part of a belief in the coming of divine salvation. Remana Hi told her people that God was waiting to come down and endow them with a knowledge of all things, but that a proper offering must be made to him. At the same time she also expected Te Whiti, whom she had "spiritually married", to come to Hokianga during that month of July, or in August. Te Whiti would then "set the Hauhaus on the right path"

The reason behind these beliefs appears to be the very depressed situation of the people at this time. Their link with Taranaki had reinforced in this Northland people the idea that they were socially disadvantaged by the loss of their land to European settlement. They saw themselves as a dispossessed race, and as in other responses with similar motivation, this was reflected in their concentration on such Old Testament books as Psalms. The group had also become very physically disadvantaged through moving from place to place. In August 1888 Resident Magistrate Bishop reported on the state of destitution of those who had been gaoled. That November the prophetess applied to the Government for relief, though it is most doubtful whether her application was considered seriously; when the chief Hohaia and his son wished to do the same they were advised by McGovern to "go dig gum". In July 1889, at the same time, as the incident of the sacrifice, the group posted public notices to tell owners of horses, cows, and any other stock that these must be fenced on their own land if allowed to stray onto the "Hauhau lands" they would be killed. This notice also referred to the destitute state of the party, which owned no stock." After 1890 the group was less in evidence, keeping themselves "entirely aloof" from other Maori in the Upper Waihou district, and keeping up their practices." There was, however, to be an even further corollary to the Upper Waihou response in the decade to come.

These three responses led by the prophetesses of the Hokianga district may be viewed together because it was basically the same group of people who were involved. When seen in this way, they show an interesting development in the thought of some of the people in the northern region at this time. As stated earlier, the original response of Maria Pangari appears to have been a millennial movement which looked forward to the return of Christ, and was based on the teachings of Christianity.

After Ani Karo went to Parihaka and brought notice of the teachings of Te Whiti to the Northland district, the beliefs of the people changed drastically. The new response was much less favourable to European settlement and the Christian missions. The practice of the Christian sabbath was dropped, and the people adopted the name Hauhau which stated their separation from the principles of the gospels. With the further change to the teachings of Remana Hi this emphasis increased even more, and T.G. Hammond noted that whereas the missionaries had always been received courteously by these people, now they were told that the visits must cease as they had decided to try a new thing. After this decision the group continued to be polite, but insisted on their right to hold their own beliefs" -

They treat us as kindly and respectfully as ever, and have carefully refrained from the usual hau hau insults to Christian teachers; but when we propose worship they firmly refuse, saying, "Do not attempt to put that hat on my head now, but allow it to remain quietly by my side."

This response shows that the people were attempting to formulate a new system of belief and worship which was more relevant to their feelings and present situation than the Christian church had proved to be. It was not, however, a total rejection of that message, for the new beliefs were built on the scriptures provided by the missions. When revelation came to the prophetess to the effect that the New Testament was neither inspired nor holy, the validity and relevance of the Old Testament was confirmed.

Influence from the Hebrew scriptures was therefore quite marked. The idea of an exclusive community, following a set of strict rules, and having a form of worship which set them apart from the people around them, was reminiscent of the ancient Israelites in their communities, and particularly in the time of their wandering under the leadership of Moses. The sacred area which was carefully protected from any profane objects, would also appear to have similar inspiration. The most striking feature of the sacred enclosure was the emphasis on the colour white. White bunting was hung around the perimeter, white flags flew from flagpoles, and the people wore white robes.

As there-was no traditional precedent for the choice of this colour, this too would appear to be inspired by the scriptures, and therefore the instruction in Ecclesiastes "Let thy garments always be white" could well be the source. In addition, in the Revelation of John those who passed the Judgment would be clothed in white. Similarly, the robes adopted by the members of the group would seem to take their pattern from scripture as this was neither a Maori nor an observed European custom.

On occasions the people would march in their robes and blow horns, and here too there would appear to be biblical influence. Trumpets made of rams' homs were used to great effect by Joshua and his people in their divinely-aided defeat of Jericho, and references to the horn of salvation are also made in Old Testament books. It is known that the Psalms were recited on these occasions and many of these would have been seen as appropriately reflecting the feelings of the Maori.

For instance, Psalm 18 which referred to "the horn of my salvation", told of how David cried out to the Lord in his sorrow and distress, and the response of God delivered him from his enemies It is God that avengeth me, and subdueth the people under me. He delivereth me from mine enemies: yea, thou liftest me up above those that rise up against me: thou hast delivered me from the violent man. Therefore will I give thanks unto thee, 0 Lord, among the heathen, and sing praises unto thy name. Great deliverance giveth he to his king; and showeth mercy to his annointed, to David, and to his seed for evermore. No sabbath was held at the camp on Mount Zion or at any place inhabited by the prophetess's group. Even more extreme changes were made by Remana Hi. Most of the reports which circulated were wildly exaggerated, and Inspector McGovern himself reported that some of the "friendly" Maori amused themselves by going among the settlers with stories about what the "Hauhaus" had done, and what they said they were going to do.'

All the same, some extraordinary happenings did occur, and it seems the notion of a sacrifice of a human was considered, even if not carried out. This could be related to the occurrence at Parihaka when Te Whiti's son was said to be offered to God. The two occasions varied greatly in detail, though, as the first was achieved quietly and naturally, while in the Northland case it was to follow the Old Testament example of a burnt offering. It seems likely that the idea was influenced more by the scriptures than by the Parihaka example, for the notion of animal sacrifices was present in the movement of Maria Pangari before the teachings of Te Whiti were followed.

The view that God's help was to be invoked by a sacrifice could also be attributed to Old Testament scriptures, and in the case of Wi Pani's son, direct reference was made to Abraham and his test of faith. Also similar to the Parihaka movement, however, was the belief that the prophet or prophetess could raise the dead to life. This, though, was also different in detail to the former movement, and so was again inspired more directly by biblical scriptures. The practice of cremation though apparently carried out only once seems to have been an original departure, and perhaps also owed its inspiration to the biblical idea of a burnt offering. In this case, the act was made much more acceptable by the fact that the child was already dead. The belief that a new body would arise from the ashes would appear to be inspired by Christian teachings of the resurrection of the dead." Other cases of scriptural influence which came through contact with Taranaki people seem certain, for the new "Hauhau" reponse included several notions which were part of the Pai Marire movement previously.

In fact, the idea of the sacrifice of a child was much closer to the parallel with Te Ua Haumene who was believed to have experienced an Abraham-like incident when commanded to sacrifice his own child. At one stage it was said that the group was waiting for the appearance of the angel Gabriel who was to come and lead them, and this too was reminiscent of Pai Marire as in that movement the angel was the agent of revelation to the prophet, and was identified with Rura, the active guiding aspect of the deity. Remana's assurance that God was waiting to come down and bring knowledge of all things, also had its pattern in Pai Marire, for this was similar to the belief of those earlier followers that by way of the niu they would receive knowledge of all languages on earth and would therefore be able to converse with everyone and have access to their knowledge.

W.E. Gudgeon reported that prior to the arrival of the police party at Zion in July 1887, the prophetess had a dream in which she foresaw the raid, but predicted the officers would be unable to enter the enclosure if the people armed themselves with only Maori weapons. She further informed them that no man need fear the bullets of the police since they were invulnerable. That the very worst effect of any bullet would be a small black spot, but that not a drop of their blood would be shed, though the whole of the police would be slain. This pointed to a further idea which was present in Pai Marire that of the invulnerability of believers to external harm inflicted by their enemies.

In the former movement this was based on the concept of heavenly protection for the people of God inspired by stories of divine intervention in books of the Old T estament. The very conclusion that the Old Testament was inspired while the New was not, was also a principle of the Pai Marire response. The links between the former movement and that of the new "Hauhaus" was therefore more than one of name only. In view of this, it is possible that rumours such as those regarding sacrifices were spread because of the expectations and fears of some outside the group, based on their knowledge of the former response. It is possible that this idea of influence coming from other sources could be taken further, in view of certain differences between the responses of Remana Hi and the prophetesses before her. In Maria Pangari's movement the prophetess practised animal sacrifices, and when rumours arose about a proposed human sacrifice it was denied strongly. Similarly, there was more talk of the first movement having a high priest, and again this was denied. In that led by Maria!s sister, however, these two features did form a part of the response there seems to have been some attempt at such a sacrifice, and it was reported that Tame Kuku fulfilled the role of priest. In this case it can be wondered if European expectations played a part in determining some aspects of 'the following response; or whether those notions were in nascent form in the original; and, if the latter, were they first inspired by their inclusion in the Pai Marire religion more than twenty years before?

Meanwhile the three successive responses illustrate an interesting development in the thinking of the people of Upper Waihou during this period. The first trend was towards a Christian-based millennial movement, but interest in this idea waned after the predicted coming did not eventuate. Following a visit to Parihaka, and based on inspiration gained there, the next phase saw a turn away from New Testament ideas to those of the Old Testament, with the third movement putting further emphasis on separatism and the adoption of an even more extreme stance.